By SKC Ogbonnia
The perennial ambition of Atiku
Abubakar to preside over Nigeria finally comes to a dead end this February 16,
2019. This failure is neither because of the extraordinary qualities nor the
exceptional performance of President Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku’s main opponent.
It has nothing to do with election rigging, as feared by the opposition camps.
The imminent defeat should not be attributed to other needless underhand
tactics of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), such as the heedless
removal of the Chief Justice of the Federation or the artless death threats to
foreign election observers by a sitting ruling party governor. The problem is
simply that Atiku has dug his own grave, and the nail in the coffin came with
super glue.
The momentum was further buoyed
by the fact that Abubakar was set to face a vulnerable incumbent president,
Muhammadu Buhari, an impenitent personality, plagued by poor health, a pattern
of partiality, acute nepotism, incessant killings, selective justice, and
growing youth unemployment, as well as mass poverty. Moreover, the ruling APC
was coming out of a disastrous primary season characterized by arbitrary
exclusion of qualified aspirants, lack of transparency, crass impunity, and
stark arrogance; anchored by a shambolic national chairman whose every presence
provokes crisis as honey attracts bee.
But the PDP balloon of buoyancy
quickly crashed before any meaningful rise.
The clouds began to gather when
it became clear that Atiku lacks a captivating message. His manifesto does not
evoke a sense of hope capable of negating Buhari’s measurable gains in the war
against corruption, agriculture, and infrastructure. Abubakar’s three cardinal
points of “jobs opportunity, being united and security” are desperately banal,
and his plan to achieve them is inconceivably incoherent. If he is not
crap-shooting an idea to restructure the country, Atiku is hawking the notion
of selling off more national assets, including the NNPC, a state corporation
that generates the bulk of the nation’s revenue. It did not help matters when
Nigerians were reminded that the sale of the mega oil company falls into
privatization exercise like the type Atiku superintended, as vice president, in
which his “friends” and family were alleged as prime beneficiaries.
The most embarrassing is Atiku’s
gamble to make his contest against Buhari a referendum on integrity without
anything to show for it. He started by deploying Karl Rove’s old trick of
attacking the strengths of one’s opponent. The aim this time was to turn
Buhari’s storied anti-corruption profile from advantage to a liability. Atiku
gained good currency by refreshing the sad reality that the current war against
corruption is selective. The biggest bombshell was his allegation that Buhari
diverted “N1.032 trillion” meant for arms to his relatives. Mr. Abubakar saw
instant admiration when he followed the charge with an open promise to “spare
no thoughts in furnishing the public with details” of the allegation.
Unfortunately, however, despite pressure from Buhari’s camp and the civil
society, Atiku reneged on the news-breaking promise. Nigeria has penchant for
imitating America’s political pattern, quite alright, but the world is not
ready for another commander-in-chief who draws his strength by parading
fantasies and fallacies as facts.
The nail in the coffin stuck when
Abubakar muted a plan to grant full amnesty to politicians who looted our
common wealth. That is, ‘Fellow Nigerians, please steal, but if you are caught,
return the money and go free.’ This patent appeal for corruption is a moral
miasma. Critics will counter here, and understandably so, because President
Buhari has not prosecuted corrupt politicians who have returned their loot
since he assumed power. But not to be lost is the fact that the president has,
at least, been able to sustain a level of credibility with a constant promise
that none of such looters will escape prison, eventually. It is a bad policy to
shutdown Nigeria’s shop to chase criminals, as Atiku’s vice-presidential
candidate Peter Obi cautioned; but, as Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo reminded
us, allowing criminals to loot Nigeria’s entire stock is definitively worse.
Half bread is better than none…
Nothing illustrates the apparent
lack of political sagacity more than the fact that Abubakar named, as running
mate, a right man in a wrong party and wrong region. Mr. Peter Obi, a former
governor of Anambra State, is a very wealthy man, but his austere politics and
virtues are in stark contrast to the ideals of the PDP and Atiku himself.
Though this choice is popular with the Nigerian masses, the deviant political
move dispirited the party leaders from Obi’s home region of the East. Since
then, notable South-East and South-South PDP bigwigs have remained ambivalent.
Some of them in the South-East are openly or clandestinely campaigning against
their top ticket—with the hope of taking a shot at the presidency themselves,
sooner in 2023, especially considering that Atiku has not been committal with
his one-term pledge. On top of that, Obi took his chintzy style to the extreme
by not dishing out money, the main language the Eastern electorate seems to
understand. Overall, Atiku will carry the South-East and South-South zones, as
expected, but an imminent low margin of victory in the party’s strong hold
signals a woeful outcome for his candidacy across the country.
Adding to the conundrum is
Atiku’s seemingly disregard for geopolitics. It is true that the PDP candidate
adopted restructuring, an original agenda of the progressive Yoruba South-West,
it is equally impolitic to have denied the people both the positions of
national chairman and the vice presidency. With a Yoruba as a sitting Vice
President, Atiku will fare worse than President Jonathan’s numbers in 2015,
when the people retaliated for palpable marginalization of the zone in the
upper echelon of the then PDP government. As for the North, Abubakar could not
articulate a game-changing agenda for the peasant northern electorate that
somehow holds Buhari as a folk hero. Moreover, Atiku’s vow to restructure the
country is a vote-killer in the North where most are comfortable with the
current structure which has handed them political advantage. Besides Benue,
Plateau, Nasarawa, Taraba, Kwara, Kogi, and Adamawa—the states Atiku has good
chance of victory; the rest of the other 12 Northern states belong to the
Buhari column. Generally, the president will garner majority backing in
North-West and the North-East zones while Atiku takes the lion share of the
votes in the North-Central zone. Do the remaining math…
The 2019 presidential contest is
ending as a binary election, with two analog candidates who have no clear
ideology or vision for the 21st Century Nigeria. But, all things considered,
Buhari comes out better and deserves to win. As for Atiku, the affable former
Vice President ought to be eulogized for his ambition. But he should forever
blame his presidential quietus on the failure to demonstrate any lessons
learned from the 16 years of gross misrule under the Peoples Democratic Party
of Nigeria, eight of which he was a very powerful second-in-command. Adieu,
Lamido Adamawa!
SKC Ogbonnia, a former 2019 APC
presidential aspirant, writes from Abuja.
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