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Insensitive pay bill for ex-presidents




A move to enhance the remuneration of the country’s former presidents was halted in the Senate last month when a bill that would have facilitated it was crushed during the second reading. Also, former Chief Justices of Nigeria, ex-Presidents of the Senate and ex-Speakers of the House of Representatives were to benefit from the jumbo package. However, the country’s former leaders, most of whom were military rulers, are already well taken care of. We appreciate the killing of the bill, which was passed by the fourth, fifth and sixth National Assemblies, but did not enjoy the assent of two former presidents, Olusegun Obasanjo and the late Umaru Yar’Adua.
 
Senate Leader, Victor Ndoma-Egba, in his lead debate, said reintroducing the bill had become imperative in view of what he perceived as a high degree of discomfort or economic hardship being experienced by our ex-presidents. The ill-fated bill would have repealed an extant law that provides a robust welfare package for past military leaders who truncated the country’s democratic trajectory. As some senators noted, two former presidents withheld their assent to the bill; but it is curious that the National Assembly of the 2003 to 2007 and 2007 to 2011 sessions, which the Senate Leader was a part of, did nothing to consummate the legislative process, contrary to the dictates of the 1999 Constitution as amended. Section 58 (5) of the Constitution, states: “Where the President withholds his assent and the bill is again passed by each House by two-thirds majority, the bill shall become law and the assent of the President shall not be required.”

Ndoma-Egba’s argument rankles, given that no former president is known to be as impecunious or in dire straits as he sought to present. Indeed, such jumbo financial remuneration runs against the economic mood of the times when over 70 per cent of Nigerians live below the poverty line, and generations of youths are without jobs, primarily due to many years of incompetent and corrupt political leadership. Soaring unemployment has fostered a community of social deviants — kidnappers, armed robbers, rapists and internet fraudsters, otherwise known as Yahoo-Yahoo Boys.

One of the former presidents purportedly suffering “economic discomfort,” as implied by the Senate Leader’s account, is Obasanjo, who owns one of the biggest poultry farms in the country. By every standard, he is a very rich man and is apparently not in any financial stress. Also, Second Republic President, Shehu Shagari, while in office, was an embodiment of modesty; he could not have been so materialistic and profligate at the age of 89 to the extent that what the state provides for him is no longer sufficient. If at all such challenge exists, the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission that is charged with the responsibility of fixing the remunerations of public office holders, as espoused in Section 84 of the Constitution, has not been found wanting in this regard. 

Who is left out? Our conjecture, therefore, is that the sponsors of the bill may have used these former presidents as cover to secure life-long remunerations for the principal officers of the National Assembly at public expense. It is clear that each member of the legislature earns a severance package at the end of each session and such terminal benefits are even rosier for principal officers, which the defeated bill sought to cater for. In some other climes, lawmaking is a part-time undertaking and legislators are paid accordingly.

Petrified by the danger inherent in youths roaming the streets without jobs, Obasanjo has repeatedly warned of an impending revolution in the land, especially if the country’s leaders do nothing urgently to address the scourge. This should be the concern of sponsors of the discredited bill, who seem to act like Nero, the Emperor who fiddled while Rome burnt. While the actual emoluments of these lawmakers may not be known by outsiders, the charge that they earn far more than some of their counterparts in more developed economies of the world, amid Nigeria’s development challenges, should bother them. The predilection for affluence at the expense of the state or public treasury by this tiny few, which a remuneration hike for these ex-Presidents would have achieved, is an attitude that must change for the nation’s good. 

How concerned are the lawmakers about the fact that corruption has inexorably become part of the chemistry of the Nigerian state without a serious effort to reverse the trend? Collapsed infrastructure, such as dilapidated fuel refineries and the resultant reliance on imported refined products; the shameful 3,300 megawatts of electricity generation in April 2013, in spite of billions of dollars pumped into the sector since 1999; the consequent perennially low capacity utilisation in our industries; the ghastly nature of roads, and 7,000 abandoned capital projects, are critical national exigencies that should deserve urgent legislative attention. Obviously, enhanced emolument for former rulers is a mundane issue that falls outside the realm of national priorities.
 
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